Echoes in the Arroyos

Missed the first debate completely. It wasn't clear that the party would begin as scheduled when I left the ranch and before it got underway I was already deep in the bowels of the River Walk in San Antone. Got stuck at Mad Dog's for a few hours before winding up in front of The Original 1899 Mexican plate ($10.99) with chili and a kick-ass El Patron margarita sometime the next morning. I can only report that, as expected, all honorees are now duly enshrined.

According to what I read, though, I didn't really miss anything.

Except for the confident clues to this money thing, man.

Been doing a lot of research the last couple of weeks. Found a few good, authoritative books on Texas history. According to the story, our old-monied founders pretty much jumped off the deep end of the free market scale as soon as 1860. Land, which occasionally bloomed from all manner of mispronounced wilderness like enduring turd blossoms, was the basis of wealth much like it is today. And even back then immense parcels of this frontier, greased and bartered for worthless script, changed hands among men of fancy letters with incredible speed. Those who moved quickest made the most of it. Those who dallied never saw their opportunity return again. And bailouts didn't need legislation in those days – seems they came with territory.

Lawyers and carpet-bagged Texians of the Confederacy made sort of a good game of it all, in fact. They boldly defended their swindles in front of the highest courts and rose up indignantly in the manner of their gentrified peers when family pride was sullied by lawless vagabonds, their legacies questioned by petulant immigrants or ungrateful slaves. Such righteous willingness to fight to the death for deeds to the the stuff God gave us was what went for “leadership” and “foresight” back in the good old days.

Now, in the end, they may have left this land depressed and childless. But they inscribed their personal ambitions upon miles and miles of barren desert. And, in the chilled air of another dawn over 100 years later, one can still hear their deep foreign accent in the echoes of the arroyos.

In between the smooth Patron and the cool lime, I drove through the middle of most of that giant patch of dirt this weekend. In just a few hours, I covered the same ground that once took the hardiest rangers 3 or 4 days to cross. I saw plenty of prime, “controlled” hunting ground that buffalo hunters like Cheney have surely visited and lusted for more than once. I guess I can say be happy that it's still there and still available for the right price to the right person.

In a strange fit of sobriety, along the road I did some more reading and thinking on what the phrase “Confidence Game” really means. In order for the game to be played properly, there must be someone known as the Confidence Man. This is the guy who gathers rainwater in his backyard, rainwater which is normally free when we are lucky enough to receive it naturally. He adds a few drops of syrup then claims it is the undeniable cure for what ails us. Out of kindness and service to his fellow man, he sells it for just a dollar a bottle.

If the public seems unsure, the Confidence Man may employ the services of a “shill”. That's the dude who stands up in the crowd and says something like, “I tried this stuff, it made my wife happy and my kids proud. I gotta have some more of that!”

Now, it may look like I'm hiding out here “down in the bowels”, running away from my civic duties. But, ya see, I'm really just watching both sides of the same road that's been passed many times before, even while I'm speeding numbly along to a brave new future. And I'm constantly listening now for murmurs in the wind from the obvious “shills” who are just setting up the game, the next swindle of the century.

Who knows? Some day one of these Confidence Men may offer exactly what I truly want. But I'm cautioned that in these matters, time and time again, history says it's only the “mark” who pays for unrestrained gullibility.

Cheers,
Mb

Cain and Abel's Non-Debate

Judging by the transcripts, if Cain and Abel had met for a face to face debate last week, it might have sounded a lot like this...

After acknowledging the audience, Cain thanks his candidate rivals for supporting him, thanks the current president and his ex-president father and mother for their national service (neither are mentioned by name) and specifically thanks Laura Bush. Meanwhile, Abel also thanks his rivals, naming Hillary, Bill, Ted Kennedy and Joe Biden.

Abel says he “loves” his family, namely his wife and children. Cain “treasures” his family, not naming each of his 7 children, but acknowledging wife Cindy for her inspiration.

Cain then pays tribute to his 96 year old mother, accepts his nomination and reaches out to undecided voters, promising to earn their trust, too.

A knowing smile on his face, Abel quickly accepts his own nomination before launching into a brief history, suggesting America's great promise and his life have both dramatically merged to unveil this “defining moment".

Chin up, Cain then acknowledges Abel's admirable rise but insists Cain will be the victor. Cain's first theme is thus announced: reach out to all, make government work for all, and “get back on the road to prosperity and peace.”

Abel lists a few of the more notable speed bumps on this particular road, says it's not all the government's doing, but puts the blame for “the failure to respond” to these problems directly on the shoulders of Bush and the old Washington crowd. Abel's first theme is presented as well: America is “better than that”, roundly suggesting Cain and the Republicans are just more of the same bad ending, and says that to recapture “America's promise” we must demand that eight years of this failure is enough.

Abel then pays tribute to Cain's past military record and warns that the Republicans will surely highlight Cain's reputed independent zeal. But Abel holds that the record shows Cain and Bush are truly cut of the same partisan cloth. Abel hints that a vote for Cain is a vote to reelect the failed Bush policies of indifference to America's most serious problems and, again, invite a continued romp over America's solemn promise.

Selecting the subject of the down-turned economy, Abel notes that Cain paints a far rosier picture than most average people and Cain's own economic advisor once casually dismissed anxious Americans as “a nation of whiners”. Abel says that's not what he hears from the people he's met, not in line with the Promise, and says this is proof that Cain, while not entirely careless towards the concerns of average Americans, is clearly out of touch.

Cain says he understands that people are worried about a lot of things but he claims his administration will fight for everyone and not against anyone, in the same way that he has fought for things before. He notes just how much his promising VP selection is in touch with average America and predicts she will help him “shake up” the Washington crowd with the heady warning, “Change is coming!” Cain promises they can and will deliver “change” because they have done it before.

As predicted by Abel, Cain raises his “maverick” banner then runs through a short, non-specific list of greedy lobbyists, corporate crooks and “union bosses” who he has successfully fought during his career and who are obviously not in the business of putting Country First like he consistently does.

Abel lectures about the clear difference between Republicans and Democrats. Abel notes that Republicans expect people to fend for themselves with trickle-down policies and their underlying theme of an “Ownership Society” for individuals, governing failures that will continue under Cain's leadership. Democrats, on the other hand according to Abel, rely on how well their policies satisfy the historical “American promise” that he likes to talk about, again, the foundation of his own life. Abel then retells his own list of personal American anxieties that relate directly to his family and his earthly non-celebrity upbringing. Abel declares that his job as President will be to defend and guarantee that promise of America for every citizen.

Still hammering on his independent streak, Cain points out talk about the difference between the parties is pointless, that he's not really tied to any single party or personal agenda. He reminds that he alone stood against the rising tide of both parties to support the now successful strategy in Iraq. Again, Cain reminds that he his a fighter, who likes to fight, who knows what to fight, how to fight and why to fight. He then carefully describes three typical American families who he intends to fight for in a general way because they matter to him.

Undeterred, Abel then describes exactly what he thinks the American promise really entails. Abel says that while government is not a savior, echoing that it must “help us, not hurt us”, he says it must do the protection and infrastructure details that we can't do for ourselves as individuals and provide opportunity for everyone “who's willing to work.” Abel repeats his claim that we are in this nation together and part of the Promise means we must meet our responsibilities as “our brother's keeper”.

Taking a curious side step, Cain admits that, by giving in to the temptation of Washington power, his party lost the trust of the American people. Oddly countering his own independent streak, contrary to his original claim that he is not tethered to partisan ways, a specific change Cain says he will fight for is to restore the “pride and principles” of his party. Cain says he will do that by standing up for the “values that Americans admire.” Expecting that phrase to be understood by all, he says he will lead us from this currently unprincipled condition back to the basics of Lincoln, Roosevelt and Reagan.

Cain leans harder on his party, describing Republicans by saying they believe everyone has “God-given potential” and the inherent right to profit from that as individuals while still respecting the values of communities. Cain says the basics of Republican government unleashes individual initiative and creativity while guaranteeing the vast freedoms of personal choice. Cain then lists out all his tax and health care initiatives that will be good for the country while noting that every alternate Abel tax and health care plan will result in disaster. Cain says his plan is to reduce wasteful government spending so that “you keep more of your own money” to spend or save or invest as you please.

Talking over the party side-track, Abel spells out what he means by change. Abel says his tax code will reverse any corporate incentives to move jobs overseas, give breaks to small and high-tech firms for future job growth and reduce taxes for 95% of all working families. Abel then declares his goal of eliminating “our dependence on oil from the Middle East” within the next 10 years by investing federal funds in a host of renewable, cleaner energy platforms. Abel then lists his own “promise” of affordable college education, hiring a new army of well-paid teachers, accessible health care, revised bankruptcy laws, protected Social Security funds, and guaranteed equality in the workplace. Like Cain, Abel claims he will look over the federal books, “line by line”, and will close tax loopholes and reduce wasteful government spending to pay for all his plans.

Then Abel invokes the ghost of JFK to defend against any Republican criticism of his grand social plans. Finally summarizing what lies at the foundation of the American promise, marking the line between Democrat and Republican domestic policies for all to see, Abel says we find not just a an obligation of the individual but a mutual responsibility as well.

Cain declares that education is the singular “civil rights issue of issue of this century” and says that he will attack economic woes by assisting the education of a new workforce. Rather than “wishing away the global economy” like Abel, Cain says his government will help people afford the education necessary to profit from it. Painting Abel's plans as more bloated “union” and government bureaucracy, Cain says he will get rid of bad teachers, ease government constraints and empower parents with educational choices for their children.

Cain states his “most ambitious national project in decades” will be to eliminate $700 billion in handouts to foreign countries that “don't like us very much” and carry on to “attack the problem on every front”. Quickly trying to connect the point of this national project, Cain says his plan will produce more energy at home and then he lists essentially the same kind of clean, renewable energy projects described by Abel with the notable exceptions of more drilling for offshore oil and increasing nuclear power plants. Cain insists that Americans know better than Abel's position on energy and Cain's plan is in line with the history of American leadership on the world's toughest problems. Cain declares that “this great national cause will create millions of new jobs”.

Cain says he alone knows we must face global threats with our historical “confidence, wisdom and resolve”. He says we must support Georgia and work with Russia while not turning a blind eye to any inherent threats. He says he's not afraid of threats from around the world but is prepared for them instead. Cain says he knows the military, knows the world, and knows how to “secure the peace”.

Abel says he is ready to debate Cain regarding the temperament and judgment required of the Commander in Chief. He says a widespread terrorist network can't be defeated in Iraq while we choose to only “muddle through” Afghanistan as Cain has stated. Abel points out that his opposition to the war in Iraq as a distraction against “the real threats we face” and was in contrast with Cain's “stubborn refusal to end a misguided war”. Abel suggests we can't properly support Georgia after “straining our oldest alliances” elsewhere. Abel says the he, unlike Cain, will not follow “George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy”.

Cain says he will use all the powers at his disposal to work for peace and that change in Washington is needed and inevitable for every generation. In a philosophical twist, he says “we have to catch up to history.” A trusted agent of that history, he remarks that he has a unique record of going against partisan politics, not arguing who gets the credit for good ideas but working with everyone, and he will continue to do that.

Abel reminds that the Democrats are the party of Roosevelt and Kennedy and have a strong background in defending the nation. He says that the most recent “Bush-Cain” foreign policies squandered many admirable legacies of both Democrats and Republicans. Abel says, as Commander in Chief, he would “end the war in Iraq responsibly”, ensure that future battles are engaged with “a clear mission” and proper equipment, and that diplomacy and partnerships will be strengthened to defend against threats while restoring America's “moral standing” around the world.

Cain recalls the events that led to his capture as a POW in Vietnam and tells some painful details of his horrid ordeal. He reminds that he did not take the easy way when offered early release but stuck it out because of his comradeship with his fellow prisoners. As a result of this personal life-changing event, Cain says he learned to love America beyond anything else, committed himself to Country First as “a cause worth fighting for” and dedicated his life in the field of his country's service.

Abel says that one of the things he wants to see change in American politics is stopping honest disagreement from being reduced to “challenging other people's character and patriotism”. He says everyone who serves this country does so not by a “partisan playbook” but under the shadow of the same national flag. Abel wags his finger and admonishes, “I've got news for you, Cain. We all put our country first.”

Cain humbly says he does not consider himself especially anointed by history to save our country but that, on the contrary, he was once saved by our country and feels driven to “fight for her for as long as I draw a breath, so help me God.”

Abel says he “gets it”, he sees what we all see. He says he realizes he does not fit the traditional mold of typical Washington careerists. But he says those who find fault with him and his projected policies don't understand that this election campaign was never about him personally, saying to voters instead, “It's been about you.”

Cain counters along that same line, saying that if you've got a complaint about America, you must get up, take part and fight against it just like he does. He says “nothing brings greater happiness in life than to serve a cause greater than yourself.”

Nodding in agreement, Abel says what we have actually lost over the last 8 years is that sense of a common, “higher purpose”. He says we may not all agree on things like abortion, gun control, same-sex marriages or immigration policies. But he reminds that part of the American promise that he himself has enjoyed includes the quality of finding the “strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort”.

Expecting some people to dismiss that, Abel suggests that “if you don't have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters” and “if you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.” Summarizing, he adds, “You make a big election about small things.”

Cain smiles broadly, lifts his hands and declares that he will “fight for my cause every day as your president.” He says he will fight so that every person can “thank God” like he does and he urges everyone to join with him by chanting, “Fight with me! Fight with me!”

Hands close to his chest, Abel lifts our “defining moment” back up. He says it is really about people across the nation demanding we bring change to Washington, not expecting needed change to come from it by the hands of the “same old players”.

Cain calls out, “Fight for what's right for our country! Fight for the ideals and character of a free people! Fight for our children's future! Fight for justice and opportunity for all!”

Ignoring the call to arms, Abel suggests that our national strength is not based on our great wealth, our strong military or our admired universities. He says our strength is founded and advanced by our “American spirit – the American promise” of a better future, the concept he describes as our greatest common inheritance.

Cain urges, “Stand up, stand up, stand up and fight!”

Calmly bringing his American promise to a close, Abel reminds that “a young preacher from Georgia” spoke to us forty years ago and instead of anger or discord, fear and frustration, people around this country heard him say we all have a dream for the same thing.

Cain finishes loudly, “Nothing is inevitable here! We're Americans, and we never give up. We never quit. We never hide from history. We make history!”

Abel quoted softly: “'We can not walk alone,' the preacher cried. 'And as we walk we must make the pledge that we will always march ahead. We cannot turn back.'”

Then both Cain and Abel rode a wave of applause and vowed to the audience, “Thank you, God bless you and God bless the United States of America.”


I suppose, when they do meet, we'll hear more words like these. They are the words of two brothers, one raised up on the American Dream of the future, one obsessed with fighting others to defend it's history.

If their words are honest, then I find it hard to accept that they'll argue with each other for very long.

Cheers,
Mb